Download PDF States and Social Revolutions: A Comparative Analysis of France, Russia, and China (Canto Classics), by Theda Skocpol

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States and Social Revolutions: A Comparative Analysis of France, Russia, and China (Canto Classics), by Theda Skocpol

Download PDF States and Social Revolutions: A Comparative Analysis of France, Russia, and China (Canto Classics), by Theda Skocpol

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Review

"With lucidity and care, Skocpol has laid out a challenging comparison of three great revolutions ... Here is a book worth studying, refuting, testing, elaborating, and emulating." Charles Tilly"I am convinced that States and Social Revolutions will be considered a landmark in the study of the sources of revolution." Lewis A. Coser, The New York Times Book Review

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Book Description

Theda Skocpol shows how state structures, international forces, and class relations combine to explain the origins and accomplishments of social-revolutionary transformations. Believing that existing theories of revolution, both Marxist and non-Marxist, are inadequate to explain the actual historical patterns of revolutions, Skocpol urges the reader to adopt fresh perspectives.

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Product details

Series: Canto Classics

Paperback: 421 pages

Publisher: Cambridge University Press (September 29, 2015)

Language: English

ISBN-10: 1107569842

ISBN-13: 978-1107569843

Product Dimensions:

5.4 x 0.8 x 8.5 inches

Shipping Weight: 12.6 ounces (View shipping rates and policies)

Average Customer Review:

3.7 out of 5 stars

20 customer reviews

Amazon Best Sellers Rank:

#323,128 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)

Those seeking a work that will enlighten them on the cause of state revolutions will be sorely disappointed with this book. The title takes its cue from Lenin's The State and Revolution and belies the fact that this book is nothing more than a thinly veneered attempt to justify Marxist-Leninist doctrine through picking and choosing elements of history instead of a true academic work.Assuming the reader can stay awake, he or she will find incredible repetition of a few small arguments with no real bases. It is hard to detect at times as the whole book is written in what can only be referred to as 'pseudoacademia', that language which has been used by many professors over the years to lengthen their works and ensure that no one will stay awake long enough to realise that what they have written is rubbish. (This is a common problem as many universities are more interested in their professors publishing than teaching. The latter forces one to learn to communicate clearly.)Should the reader not be familiar with the French, Russian, or Chinese revolution, he or she will find rough outlines of the conflicts couched only in class struggles. Mrs. Skocpol fails to grasp the real source of these revolutions. The French Revolution was based on an issue of pride and warmongering in France that was both bankrupting the country and destroying the incomes of those engaged in trade. It is the trade issue that made for the resistance of peasantry that were isolated and enable the co-opting of the peasantry that lived in villages needing trade. Similarly, Ms. Skocpol does not understand the issue of war-weariness and bankruptcy in Russia, either. Without the Bolsheviks blatant desire for power and the purges of resistant elements, Russia would likely have remained tied to the West. Similarly, the peasant support of the Communists in China had less to do with real class struggle and more to do with the loss of economic basis for the Kuomintang and their loss of power fighting the Japanese. Meanwhile, the Communists evaded the Japanese while recruiting from the peasantry.In her conclusion, should the reader reach that point, Ms. Skocpol almost comes clean about how she believes Marxism is the best way to explain social development. She clearly espouses a view that society will go from feudal to capitalist to communist systems as a form of evolution. Her lack of study in the realm of economic development and its ties to power structure allow her to use labels that conjure up extremely simplified and woefully inaccurate models.This utter failure to present more than straw man arguments as opinion opposed to her Marxist views fails to meet any serious academic criteria. Masking in archaic form and circular argument is shameful. It is a blight upon the reputation of Cambridge University Press that they continue to publish such garbage as an academic work or that it is considered important in revolution studies given the broad corpus of work that has come out since that utterly debunks Ms. Skocpol's theories.

According to Jack Goldstone, Skocpol’s work is representative of the third generation of revolutionary analysis. She believes that structural perspective is essential for the analysis of social revolutions. In this regard, she adheres to three major principles of analysis. ‘In the first place, an adequate understanding of social revolutions requires that the analyst take a nonvoluntarist, structural perspective on their causes and processes. ….. In the second place, social revolutions cannot be explained without systematic reference to international structures and world-historical developments. ….. In the third place, in order to explain the causes and outcomes of social revolutions, it is essential to conceive of states as administrative and coercive organizations – organizations that are potentially autonomous from (though of course conditioned by) socioeconomic interests and structures.’ (P.14) Generically, structural analysis of revolution was rooted in Marxist historical perspectives in which the action of capitalist competition on class and state structures produced class-based conflicts that transformed society.However, from the 1970s through the 1990s, the world saw a host of revolutions that challenged the class-based understanding of revolutions. There were hundreds of events that seemed as “revolutionary” in character. They needed to be defined in terms of a broader and more contemporary definition of revolution that transcended class conflict. Such a definition may include: effort to transform the political institutions and the justifications for political authority in a society, accompanied by formal or informal mass mobilization and noninstitutionalized actions that undermine existing authorities.However, structural characteristics alone seem to provide no help in ascertaining when and where revolution will strike. There is a need to combine structural and agency approaches to regime change. Thus, the fourth generation of revolution theory would treat regime stability as problematic, see a wide range of factors and conditions as producing departures from stability, and recognize that the processes and outcomes of revolutions are mediated by group identification, networks, and coalitions; leadership and competing ideologies; and the interplay among rulers, elites, popular groups, and foreign powers in response to ongoing conflicts.

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